Israel Eliminates Houthi Prime Minister in Devastating Strike on Yemen's Rebel Government

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Video originally published on September 4, 2025.

On August 28, 2024, Israeli airstrikes killed Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi of Yemen's Houthi-controlled government, along with multiple cabinet ministers and senior officials. The strike represents Israel's most devastating attack yet against the Iran-backed rebel movement that controls most of Yemen's populated territory. Al-Rahawi, his Foreign Minister, Justice Minister, and several close allies perished in the blast targeting a historic villa in southern Sana'a where the Houthi cabinet had gathered for what they believed was a routine meeting. The attack came days after the Houthis escalated their campaign against Israel by deploying a ballistic missile loaded with cluster munitions—a weapon designed to cause harm even when intercepted. While Israel described the operation as an unqualified success, the strike fell short of decapitating Houthi leadership entirely, leaving key military commanders and the group's spiritual leader alive. The elimination of a sitting prime minister, even one serving a non-internationally recognized government, marks a significant escalation in the nearly two-year conflict between Israel and the Houthis that has paralyzed Red Sea shipping and drawn in international naval forces.

Key Takeaways

On August 28, 2024, Israeli airstrikes killed Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi of Yemen's Houthi-controlled government, along with multiple cabinet ministers including the Foreign Minister and Justice Minister.

The strike was a direct retaliation for the Houthis' deployment of a ballistic missile loaded with cluster munitions against Israel on August 22, 2024—a weapon designed to cause harm even when intercepted.

Despite the symbolic significance of killing a sitting prime minister, al-Rahawi was largely a figurehead rather than a true decision-maker, with real power residing in military commanders and the spiritual leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, who survived.

The Houthis have demonstrated significant military capability through their Red Sea campaign, successfully sinking multiple ships in July 2024 using coordinated attacks with gunboats, explosive sea drones, aerial kamikaze drones, and missiles.

The Houthi military command-and-control structure remains largely intact despite the strikes, with Acting Prime Minister Muhammad Miftah—a veteran insurgent with deep Iranian ties—taking over and the group retaining full capability to launch retaliatory attacks.

Israel possesses exponential military superiority over the Houthis, but the rebel group can inflict real damage through their control of Red Sea shipping lanes and their evolving missile and drone capabilities, including remaining cluster munitions.

The Strike That Killed Yemen's Rebel Prime Minister

The airstrike that eliminated Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi was executed jointly by the Israeli Air Force and Navy as part of a broader campaign across Houthi-controlled territory. The attack targeted a historic villa in southern Sana'a where the entire Houthi cabinet had gathered for what was essentially a group performance review of the past year's work. The ministers believed they had nothing to fear from assembling together; Israel had been launching airstrikes on Yemen for months but had never directly targeted government ministers, and certainly not as a group. Furthermore, Israel had already retaliated for the Houthis' cluster munition attack with strikes earlier that week.

According to The Times of Israel, the ministers' location was confirmed via real-time intelligence that afternoon. The strike hit multiple targets simultaneously across Sana'a, including another notable site near the Presidential Palace that serves as a frequently used location for high-profile meetings—potentially a backup target in case the ministers' meeting had been relocated at the last minute. The operation was designed to ensure the deaths of the Houthi Defense Minister and the government's Chief of Staff, but impacted several safe houses where Houthi leaders were watching an address from the group's ideological leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi.

The attack was just one element in a series of strikes across Houthi territory that day, hitting targets in multiple provinces beyond the capital. Within minutes, catastrophic damage had been inflicted upon the Houthi government structure, though the full extent of casualties would take days to confirm as discrepancies emerged between Israeli and Yemeni accounts of who had been killed.

The Escalation: Cluster Munitions and Calculated Retaliation

The strike that killed the Houthi Prime Minister was the direct result of a significant escalation by the rebel group just days earlier. On Friday, August 22, the Houthis deployed a new weapon in their ongoing air assault campaign against Israel: a ballistic missile loaded with cluster munitions. This type of missile payload functions similarly to shotgun ammunition, containing numerous tiny projectiles that spray outward at incredible speed. While cluster munitions are actually less effective than traditional missile warheads if they reach their intended target, they become particularly dangerous when intercepted.

The Houthi strategy appeared designed around the expectation of interception. When Israeli air defenses blast such a missile out of the sky, there's a high probability that at least some of the cluster munitions will spray outward anyway, potentially causing harm to anyone below. This tactic replicated a style of attack that had worked for Iran, the Houthis' ally, during twelve days of intense hostilities with Israel earlier in 2024. In a twist of fate, Israel actually benefited when it failed to properly intercept the missile, though shrapnel was still found in at least one person's backyard.

For Israel, the Houthi use of cluster munitions represented a clear escalation that demanded swift response. Within just a couple of days, Israel carried out intense airstrikes across Sana'a, hitting an oil terminal, a military base near the presidential palace, and other valuable Houthi targets. According to Israeli media, plans existed to target Houthi leaders directly during that initial response, though those strikes ultimately didn't materialize. Instead, Israel prepared for a second, more devastating strike on August 28, when intelligence indicated the entire Houthi cabinet would be assembled. By the time the Houthis launched a pair of drones toward Israel earlier on the twenty-eighth, Jerusalem's decision to strike the cabinet meeting was already finalized.

Who Was Killed: Confirmed Deaths and Outstanding Questions

At the time of reporting, discrepancies exist regarding the complete list of casualties, depending on whether one consults Israeli or Yemeni sources. However, the most significant death is not in dispute: Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi was definitively killed in the strike. Israel claims to have eliminated the Houthi defense minister, the administrator overseeing defense ministry operations, the government's chief of staff, the leader of its political bureau, and the ministers of foreign affairs, justice, agriculture, and the economy, along with several other prominent figures. Most, though not all, of these deaths have since been confirmed by the Houthis directly.

According to Israeli media, Jerusalem initially believed it had killed the entire Houthi cabinet, suggesting that if this was Israel's objective, the operation fell at least somewhat short of its goal. The international reactions followed predictable patterns: Israel and its allies celebrated the successful strike, the Houthi government condemned it with full force, and Yemeni mourners took to the streets in massive numbers. A collective funeral held on Monday for the Prime Minister and eleven other senior Houthi government members drew enormous crowds.

Despite the historic scale of the strike, several critical caveats must be emphasized. Most importantly, while Ahmed al-Rahawi held the title of Prime Minister, he was largely a figurehead rather than a true decision-maker. Rahawi was not a member of the inner circle where actual Houthi shot-callers operate. His role primarily consisted of handling the day-to-day minutiae of parliamentarian politics and rubber-stamping decisions handed down from above. The same holds true for many of the ministers who died in the strike.

The Chief of the General Staff and the Minister of Defense—Israel's intended primary targets—were trusted high-level leaders who coordinated long-term strikes against Israel. These two are believed dead by Israel but haven't been definitively verified by either side. The real power behind the Prime Minister's office belonged to his deputy, Muhammad Miftah, who survived the strikes and has since been sworn in as Acting Prime Minister. Miftah has been part of the Houthi insurgency since the early 2000s, maintains deep ties to Iran, and while his elevation to Prime Minister won't substantially enhance his actual power, his survival confirms that the Houthis remain far from defeated. Other key Houthi leaders also survived, including the group's overall spiritual guide, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, who continues to provide ideological direction to the movement.

The Houthi Threat: Red Sea Crisis and Military Capability

The Houthis are an Iran-backed rebel movement that has taken over most of Yemen's populated territory. While they are not an internationally recognized government and their claim to Yemen is disputed by a rival government led by Rashad al-Alimi, they effectively rule Yemen today. The group is well-armed, capable in direct combat, and has developed a sustained grievance against Israel, predominantly due to Israel's ongoing war in Gaza.

Since late 2023, the Houthis have been launching long-range missile and drone strikes toward Israeli territory, though these attacks usually fail to hit their targets despite Houthi official sources claiming incredible damage. The true impact of their campaign against Israel has manifested through the Red Sea crisis—a sustained drone, missile, and gunboat campaign against international shipping vessels in the critical Red Sea waterway, where the Houthis control significant coastline.

A US-led coalition spent more than a year attempting to stop the Houthis, achieving only limited success. Israel has recently engaged in regular airstrikes across Houthi-controlled territory, targeting military bases, energy infrastructure, and other strategic assets. However, the Houthis have proven remarkably difficult to stop. They source munitions from Iran and have developed the capability to build their own hardware at scale. While they claim to target only ships associated with Israel, some strikes have hit other trade vessels. They have sunk several ships, made Red Sea transit incredibly costly, and shown no signs of stopping.

The Houthis' most successful attacks to date occurred in July 2024, with back-to-back ship attacks that demonstrated their evolving tactical sophistication. Both attempts that month resulted in the sinking of their targeted vessels, employing combined attacks using manned gunboats, explosive sea drones, aerial kamikaze drones, and missiles. This multi-vector approach has proven extremely difficult for international naval forces to counter, raising serious concerns about the security of one of the world's most critical shipping lanes.

Immediate Aftermath: Detentions, Raids, and Initial Retaliation

The Houthi response to Israel's devastating strike began almost immediately, though not necessarily in the ways international observers might have expected. The insurgent group has demonstrated its intention to begin retaliatory attacks, launching a strike toward a Red Sea trade vessel for the first time in over a month. The target was the Scarlet Ray, a Liberian-flagged oil tanker owned by a Singapore-based company that is, in turn, owned by an Israeli billionaire. While the vessel wasn't hit, it had a close call with a ballistic missile.

The attack on the Scarlet Ray, involving only a single ballistic missile, likely doesn't represent a serious attempt on par with the sophisticated combined attacks the Houthis executed in July. However, it clearly indicates that the group is prepared to resume targeting shipping in the Red Sea. Given that both of their July attempts resulted in vessel sinkings using coordinated drone, missile, and gunboat tactics, the international shipping community has reason for serious concern about what may come next.

In a separate but potentially related development, the Houthis conducted multiple raids against United Nations buildings in Sana'a, targeting offices of the World Food Programme, the children's aid organization UNICEF, and the World Health Organization. Eleven staff members were arrested and detained during these operations. These new prisoners join a total of twenty-three other UN workers who have been held since their arrests, some detained as far back as 2021. A twenty-fourth UN staff member died in detention earlier in 2024.

While the Houthis have yet to officially explain the reasoning behind this new round of detentions, anonymous Houthi sources have suggested they suspect the detained individuals are spies. The fates of these UN workers remain unclear at the time of reporting. The timing of these raids—coming immediately after Israel's strike on the Houthi cabinet—suggests potential retaliation or an attempt to assert control and demonstrate that the group remains functional despite its leadership losses.

Operational Resilience: Why the Houthis Remain Dangerous

Despite the symbolic and practical impact of losing its Prime Minister and multiple cabinet members, the Houthi military command-and-control structure does not appear to have been heavily impacted by Israel's recent air campaign. The group retains full ability to launch missile and drone attacks, both at the orders of Abdul-Malik al-Houthi and at the direction of the new Prime Minister, along with all the other military decision-makers who appear to have been left unscathed by the strikes.

Critically, the Houthis do possess cluster munitions at their disposal. While Israeli intelligence may have ascertained how many exist or where they might be launched from, this information is not available in the public domain. The Houthis are likely to deploy whatever cluster munitions they have, especially if they believe they can obtain or manufacture more over time. This presents a significant challenge for Israeli air defenses, which failed to intercept the cluster munition attack on August 22—a failure that, while accidentally beneficial in that instance, raises legitimate concerns about Israel's air interceptor readiness when dealing with strikes launched from Yemen.

The Houthis have long prioritized operational resilience, operating under the assumption that their leadership is always at risk of being eliminated at a moment's notice. Parts of their command-and-control infrastructure that were compromised can likely be replaced relatively quickly. While some of the experience and institutional knowledge possessed by the probably-deceased defense minister and chief of staff cannot be replaced, their deputies are likely to be shifted vertically and laterally into new roles that have already been predetermined as part of succession planning.

Much of the Houthi government's civil function is likely to be disrupted in the short term, but this disruption may have minimal impact on military operations. The group has demonstrated remarkable adaptability throughout its existence, building a well-deserved reputation for finding new ways through enemy defenses. At a time when many nations are working to conceal their mobile missile launchers while in transit, there is every reason to believe the Houthis are implementing similar concealment tactics, potentially making Israeli preemptive strikes against missile launchers more difficult.

Strategic Implications: A Final Showdown or Endless Escalation

Israel maintains an exponential level of military superiority over the Houthis, and this fundamental imbalance is unlikely to change. However, the Houthis can deliver real damage to both Israel and the wider world, particularly through their control of Red Sea shipping lanes. According to publicly available ship transponder data, dozens of container ships, bulk carriers, and other trade vessels are moving through the Red Sea at the time of reporting, including through the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, where Houthi territory is mere kilometers away.

Ships in the Red Sea are likely to come under repeated attack in the coming days and weeks, with the Houthis taking advantage of lessons learned from their successful ship sinkings in July. These attacks will most likely leverage extremely dangerous sea drones, and it appears unlikely that international warships operating in the Red Sea will be able to stop them, given consistent failures thus far in stemming the tide. The economic implications of sustained Red Sea disruption are substantial, affecting global supply chains and forcing shipping companies to choose between dangerous transit through Houthi-controlled waters or expensive rerouting around the African continent.

Strikes against Israel cannot be counted out either. The Houthis are likely to deploy whatever cluster munitions they possess, potentially using several missiles at once or deploying waves of drones toward Israeli territory. Israel is currently concentrating on an assault on Gaza City, pulling away troops and quite possibly some mobile air defense assets for that operation. The Houthis may calculate that now is an opportune time to launch further strikes, exploiting potential gaps in Israeli air defense coverage.

In the past, Israel has proven its ability to destroy Houthi missile launchers en route to their launch points, striking them as they emerge from garages and warehouses during the limited window before launch. However, the Houthis have consistently demonstrated their ability to adapt and innovate, suggesting they are likely working to conceal their mobile launchers more effectively.

Israel had its rationale for attempting to decapitate Houthi leadership: the cluster munition attack represented an unacceptable escalation that demanded decisive response. The Houthis have their rationale for retaliation: the killing of their Prime Minister and cabinet members represents an unforgivable attack on their government that cannot go unanswered. Regardless of the validity of rationale on either side, the situation is now dire. Israel has launched its largest and most devastating attack yet against the Houthi rebels, and the Houthis are likely to answer in kind, potentially kickstarting a round of fighting that could grow far worse than what Jerusalem and Sana'a have inflicted on each other previously.

Israel has systematically worked its way through adversaries across the region: Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and even elements of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard on Iranian soil. The Houthis now represent one of the few remaining active adversaries in this regional conflict. Whether this strike represents the beginning of a final showdown or simply another escalation in an endless cycle of retaliation remains to be seen, but the elimination of Yemen's Houthi Prime Minister has undeniably opened a new and potentially more dangerous chapter in the Middle East's ongoing conflicts.

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FAQ

Who was Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi and why was he targeted?

Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi was the Prime Minister of Yemen's Houthi-controlled government. He was killed in an Israeli airstrike on August 28, 2024, as part of Israel's retaliation for the Houthis' use of cluster munitions against Israel on August 22. However, al-Rahawi was largely a figurehead whose role consisted primarily of handling day-to-day parliamentarian politics and rubber-stamping decisions from above, rather than being a true shot-caller in the Houthi leadership structure.

What are cluster munitions and why did their use trigger this escalation?

Cluster munitions are missile payloads that function similarly to shotgun ammunition, containing numerous tiny projectiles that spray outward at incredible speed. While less effective than traditional warheads if they reach their target, they become particularly dangerous when intercepted—the projectiles can spray outward anyway, potentially causing harm to anyone below. The Houthis deployed this weapon on August 22, 2024, in an attack designed to be intercepted, which Israel viewed as a clear escalation demanding swift response.

Who else was killed in the Israeli strike besides the Prime Minister?

According to Israeli claims, the strike killed the Houthi Defense Minister, the administrator overseeing defense ministry operations, the government's Chief of Staff, the leader of its political bureau, and the ministers of foreign affairs, justice, agriculture, and the economy, along with several other prominent figures. Most, though not all, of these deaths have been confirmed by the Houthis directly. A collective funeral on Monday was held for the Prime Minister and eleven other senior Houthi government members.

Did the strike successfully decapitate Houthi leadership?

No, the strike fell short of decapitating Houthi leadership entirely. Key figures survived, including the group's spiritual leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi and Deputy Prime Minister Muhammad Miftah, who has since been sworn in as Acting Prime Minister. Miftah has been part of the Houthi insurgency since the early 2000s and maintains deep ties to Iran. The Houthi military command-and-control structure does not appear to have been heavily impacted, and the group retains full ability to launch missile and drone attacks.

What is the Red Sea crisis and how are the Houthis involved?

The Red Sea crisis is a sustained drone, missile, and gunboat campaign by the Houthis against international shipping vessels in the critical Red Sea waterway, where the Houthis control significant coastline. They have sunk several ships, made Red Sea transit incredibly costly, and shown no signs of stopping. Their most successful attacks occurred in July 2024, when back-to-back ship attacks using combined tactics (manned gunboats, explosive sea drones, aerial kamikaze drones, and missiles) resulted in vessel sinkings. A US-led coalition spent more than a year trying to stop them with only limited success.

Who are the Houthis and what is their relationship with Iran?

The Houthis are an Iran-backed rebel movement that has taken over most of Yemen's populated territory. While they are not an internationally recognized government and their claim to Yemen is disputed by a rival government led by Rashad al-Alimi, they effectively rule Yemen today. They are well-armed, capable in direct combat, and source munitions from Iran while also building their own hardware at scale. They have developed a sustained grievance against Israel, predominantly due to Israel's ongoing war in Gaza.

What immediate retaliation did the Houthis undertake after the strike?

The Houthis launched a strike toward the Scarlet Ray, a Liberian-flagged oil tanker owned by a Singapore-based company that is owned by an Israeli billionaire, marking their first Red Sea attack in over a month. The vessel had a close call with a ballistic missile but wasn't hit. Additionally, the Houthis conducted multiple raids against United Nations buildings in Sana'a, targeting offices of the World Food Programme, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization, arresting and detaining eleven staff members who joined twenty-three other UN workers already held since previous arrests.

What are the strategic implications of this strike for future conflict?

The strike represents a significant escalation with both sides now having rationale for further retaliation. Israel had its rationale for attempting to decapitate Houthi leadership due to the cluster munition attack, while the Houthis have their rationale for retaliation due to the killing of their Prime Minister and cabinet members. Ships in the Red Sea are likely to come under repeated attack using sophisticated combined tactics. The Houthis are expected to deploy whatever cluster munitions they possess, potentially exploiting gaps in Israeli air defense coverage while Israel concentrates on operations in Gaza City. This could kickstart a round of fighting far worse than previous exchanges.

Sources

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Jackson Reed

Jackson Reed creates and presents analysis focused on military doctrine, strategic competition, and conflict dynamics.

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