Special Operators--Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Pakistan

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Video originally published on October 15, 2023.

In the labyrinth of global espionage, few agencies evoke as much intrigue and infamy as Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). From its inception in the crucible of Pakistan's independence and the First Indo-Pakistani War, the ISI has navigated a complex web of alliances and adversaries, from the United States and Europe to China and Russia. Its tentacles stretch from the fraught borders of Kashmir to the battlefields of Afghanistan, from the streets of Sarajevo to the deserts of Tunisia and Egypt. At its helm, figures like Javed Nasir have steered the agency through tumultuous waters, cultivating ties with jihadist groups like the Taliban and Uighur Muslim separatists, even as it purportedly serves the interests of Pakistan's government. The ISI's shadow looms large over Pakistan, operating with near impunity in Balochistan Province and beyond, making it a state within a state. As we delve into the ISI's history, its global influence, and its controversial ties, we confront a pivotal question: How has this enigmatic agency shaped the geopolitical landscape, and what does its future hold in an ever-changing world?

Key Takeaways

Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was established in 1948 during the First Indo-Pakistani War, focusing on intelligence coordination among Pakistan's military branches.
The ISI received substantial training from the United States and British Commonwealth during the Cold War to counter Soviet influence, although its primary focus remained on India.
In 1979, the ISI played a crucial role in orchestrating the influx of foreign fighters into Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion, facilitating the movement of thousands of fighters and tons of ordnance.
The ISI's involvement in Afghanistan led to the rise of the Taliban, with the agency overseeing the establishment of madrassas that educated future Taliban members.
The ISI's operations in Afghanistan strengthened its ties with Western intelligence agencies, particularly the CIA, which provided training and collaborated on surveillance.
The ISI's autonomy and influence have earned it the reputation of a 'state within a state,' operating with significant impunity both domestically and internationally.

Establishment and Early Years: The ISI's Roots in Pakistan's Turbulent History

The genesis of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) is inextricably linked to the tumultuous birth of Pakistan. On August 14, 1947, Pakistan emerged from British colonial rule, immediately thrust into a chaotic and violent environment. The newly independent nation faced an existential threat from India, which had gained its own independence just a day earlier. Amidst this turmoil, Pakistan's government was compelled to swiftly establish various institutions, including an intelligence service. The ISI was formally created in 1948, during the First Indo-Pakistani War, a conflict centered around the disputed region of Kashmir. This war, which resulted in over 26,000 casualties, highlighted the urgent need for a coordinated intelligence apparatus. The ISI was born out of necessity, drawing intelligence officers from the Pakistani Army, Navy, and Air Force. These officers, initially on temporary assignment, were tasked with organizing and acting on the vast amounts of military intelligence generated during the conflict. Despite the hasty formation and challenging circumstances, the ISI proved largely successful in its early missions. The ceasefire declared in 1949 solidified the ISI's role in Pakistan's security architecture. As Pakistan sought to forge international alliances, the ISI became a critical component, particularly in the context of the Cold War. Pakistan aligned itself with anti-communist blocs, and the ISI was viewed as a strategic asset by major anti-Soviet nations. The Indo-Pakistan War of 1965 further underscored the ISI's importance. This conflict, which lasted for 17 days, saw intense fighting along the India-Pakistan border and within the disputed region of Kashmir. The ISI played a pivotal role in gathering intelligence, coordinating military operations, and facilitating cross-border infiltrations. The war ended in a stalemate, with both sides claiming victory, but it significantly enhanced the ISI's prestige and influence within the Pakistani military and government. The experience gained during this conflict shaped the ISI's operational tactics and strategic thinking, setting the stage for its future involvement in regional and global geopolitics. The ISI's early years were marked by a blend of improvisation and effectiveness, laying the groundwork for its evolution into one of the world's most controversial and powerful intelligence agencies.

Cultivating Global Influence: The ISI's Strategic Partnerships and Operations

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan, established in 1948, has cultivated strategic partnerships and conducted operations that have significantly shaped global geopolitics. Initially, the ISI received substantial training from Western powers, particularly the United States and the British Commonwealth, with the aim of creating a robust intelligence agency in South Asia. This training was part of a broader strategy to counter Soviet influence during the Cold War. However, Pakistan's primary concern remained its longstanding rivalry with India, a focus that would shape the ISI's operations and alliances for decades to come. In 1958, a military coup brought Pakistan under strict military control, and the ISI was integrated into both domestic and foreign intelligence operations. The agency played a pivotal role in suppressing internal dissent, particularly among the Pashtun, Bengali, and Sindhi populations, who were increasingly disillusioned with the central government. The ISI's methods included extensive surveillance, infiltration, and coercion, aiming to maintain the military junta's grip on power. This internal focus sometimes came at the expense of external threats, as evidenced by the ISI's lack of preparedness during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965. The agency's domestic obsession reached a critical point in 1971 when East Pakistan seceded, becoming modern-day Bangladesh, marking a significant blow to the ISI's reputation. However, the ISI quickly rebounded, assisting in the development of Pakistan's nuclear weapons program and suppressing an uprising in Balochistan Province. This resurgence positioned the ISI as a key player in the global response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. The ISI became the central conduit for international aid to the Afghan mujahideen, overseeing the distribution of financial and material support to the seven primary militias fighting against Soviet forces. This role solidified the ISI's influence in Afghanistan and laid the groundwork for future operations. The ISI's relationships with global powers have been complex and often contradictory. During the Cold War, Pakistan aligned with the United States and other Western nations, receiving significant military and economic aid. However, this alignment was tempered by Pakistan's desire to maintain strategic autonomy and its enduring rivalry with India. The ISI's operations in Afghanistan further complicated these relationships, as the agency's support for Islamist militias had long-term consequences, including the rise of the Taliban. The ISI's ties with China have been particularly noteworthy. China has provided Pakistan with substantial military and economic assistance, viewing Pakistan as a crucial ally in countering Indian influence in the region. The ISI and China's intelligence services have collaborated on various operations, including support for Uighur Muslim separatists in Xinjiang province. This alliance has been crucial for Pakistan's strategic depth and has allowed the ISI to project power beyond its borders. The ISI's relationships with Russia and Europe have been more nuanced. During the Soviet-Afghan War, the ISI and Russian intelligence services were on opposing sides, but post-Soviet Russia has sought to rebuild its influence in Central Asia, leading to occasional cooperation with Pakistan. Similarly, the ISI's interactions with European countries have been marked by a mix of cooperation and tension, particularly in the context of counter-terrorism efforts. The ISI's support for militant groups has been a contentious issue, both domestically and internationally. The agency's backing of the Taliban in Afghanistan has been particularly controversial, with critics arguing that it has undermined regional stability and fueled extremism. Similarly, the ISI's support for Uighur Muslim separatists in China has strained relations with Beijing, despite their broader strategic alliance. The ISI's operations in other regions, such as the Philippines and Bosnia, have further highlighted its global reach. In the Philippines, the ISI has provided training and support to Muslim separatist groups, while in Bosnia, it played a role in supporting the Muslim population during the Siege of Sarajevo. These operations have been part of a broader strategy to project Pakistani influence and counter Western dominance. The ISI's strategic partnerships and operations have had profound implications for global geopolitics. The agency's support for the mujahideen in Afghanistan laid the groundwork for the rise of the Taliban and the subsequent U.S. invasion in 2001. Similarly, the ISI's backing of Uighur Muslim separatists has complicated China's internal security dynamics. The ISI's operations in Kashmir, Korea, India, Bangladesh, and Balochistan Province have been crucial in shaping regional politics, often in ways that have challenged Indian and Western interests. In recent years, the ISI has faced increasing scrutiny and criticism, both domestically and internationally. Accusations of supporting terrorism and undermining regional stability have led to calls for reform and greater transparency. However, the ISI remains a powerful and influential institution, with deep roots in Pakistan's military and political establishment. Its strategic partnerships and operations continue to shape global geopolitics, making it a key player in the complex web of international relations. The ISI's legacy is one of both success and controversy. Its role in shaping Pakistan's nuclear program, suppressing internal dissent, and projecting power beyond its borders has been instrumental in establishing Pakistan as a regional power. However, its support for militant groups and controversial operations have also made it a target of criticism and suspicion. As Pakistan navigates the challenges of the 21st century, the ISI will continue to play a crucial role in shaping its strategic direction and global influence.

Militant Ties and Regional Conflicts: The ISI's Involvement in Afghanistan and Beyond

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan has long been a pivotal player in regional conflicts, particularly in Afghanistan and Kashmir. Its involvement in these areas has significantly shaped the geopolitical landscape of South Asia and beyond. The ISI's most notable intervention began with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Pakistan's government, backed by the United States and other Western nations, saw an opportunity to counter Soviet influence. The ISI played a crucial role in orchestrating the influx of foreign fighters into Afghanistan, facilitating the movement of thousands of mujahideen and tons of military ordnance. This effort was not merely logistical; the ISI took on a direct coordinating role, ensuring that the diverse Afghan factions remained unified against the Soviet occupiers. By 1989, the ISI's strategy paid off as the Soviet Union withdrew, leaving Afghanistan in a state of chaos but also cementing the ISI's reputation as a master of covert warfare. This period also marked the birth of the Taliban, a group of Islamic students who would later dominate Afghan politics. The ISI's success in Afghanistan did not go unnoticed by Western intelligence agencies, particularly the CIA. The partnership between the ISI and the CIA was symbiotic; the CIA provided training to ISI personnel in the United States and dispatched agents to Pakistan to advise on the Afghan conflict. The ISI, in turn, assisted the CIA in surveillance operations over the Soviet Union using U-2 spy planes. However, the ISI's alliances were not limited to Western powers. During the Siege of Sarajevo in the early 1990s, the ISI provided support to Bosnian Muslims, furthering its influence in the Balkans. This involvement was part of a broader strategy to project Pakistani influence and counterbalance Indian and Russian interests in the region. The ISI's support for militant groups extended beyond Afghanistan. In Kashmir, the ISI backed separatist movements, creating and funding groups like Hizbul Mujahideen and Jaish-e-Mohammed. These organizations have been responsible for numerous attacks on Indian security forces and civilians, contributing to the ongoing conflict in the region. The Haqqani Network, another ISI-backed group, operated from Pakistan's North Waziristan Province, launching attacks against Western targets in Afghanistan and conducting high-profile terror operations worldwide. The ISI's support for these groups has been a contentious issue, particularly in light of Pakistan's relationship with the United States. The presence of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, a city near Pakistan's capital, highlighted the complex and often contradictory nature of the ISI's alliances. While the ISI had supported al-Qaeda during the Soviet-Afghan War, the group's evolution into a global terrorist organization posed a significant challenge to Pakistan's security and its relations with the West. The ISI's involvement in regional conflicts has had far-reaching consequences. In Afghanistan, the ISI's support for the Taliban and other militant groups has contributed to the country's ongoing instability. In Kashmir, the ISI's backing of separatist movements has fueled a protracted and violent conflict. Beyond South Asia, the ISI's influence has been felt in the Balkans, Central Asia, and even in the Philippines, where it has supported Uighur Muslim separatists. The ISI's actions have often been driven by a desire to counter Indian influence and secure Pakistan's strategic interests. However, these actions have also had unintended consequences, contributing to regional instability and terrorism. As Pakistan continues to navigate its complex geopolitical landscape, the ISI's role will remain a critical factor in shaping the country's foreign policy and security strategy.

The ISI's Domestic Power Dynamics: Operating with Impunity in Pakistan

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency of Pakistan operates with a degree of autonomy and impunity that has earned it the moniker of a 'state within a state.' This reputation is not merely a product of hyperbole but stems from a complex web of political, military, and historical contexts that have allowed the ISI to wield considerable influence both domestically and internationally. The ISI's structure is meticulously organized, headed by a director-general who is typically a three-star general in the Pakistani Army. This individual oversees three main divisions: the Internal Wing, the External Wing, and the Foreign Relations wing. Each of these divisions is further subdivided into specialized units, such as the Covert Action Division, which conducts paramilitary operations, and the Counterintelligence Bureau, which focuses on neutralizing foreign intelligence activities within Pakistan. The ISI's domestic operations are particularly contentious. The Internal Wing is tasked with intelligence, counter-intelligence, and counter-terrorism efforts within Pakistan, with a specific emphasis on regions like Balochistan Province, where central government control is tenuous. The agency has been accused of obstructing international efforts to dismantle terrorist networks, most notably al-Qaeda. Prior to the 9/11 attacks, the ISI was suspected of training al-Qaeda operatives and hindering global investigations aimed at locating al-Qaeda leaders hiding in Pakistan. The most glaring example of this is the contentious issue of Osama bin Laden's presence in Pakistan. While the ISI's knowledge of his whereabouts remains unconfirmed, the agency's alleged obstruction of efforts to capture or kill him has strained its relationships with international partners, particularly the United States and Europe. The ISI's international operations further illustrate its willingness to act independently of Pakistan's official foreign policy. For instance, despite Pakistan's close ties with China, the ISI has supported Uighur Muslim separatists in China's Xinjiang province. Similarly, the agency has financed resistance efforts in Central Asia and the Philippines, and during the Siege of Sarajevo, the ISI airlifted arms and supplies to Bosnian Muslims fighting against Serbian forces. Javed Nasir, a former ISI director, openly admitted to supporting extremist movements in Tunisia and Egypt, highlighting the ISI's penchant for financing its operations through illicit means, including the drug trade. This modus operandi underscores the ISI's commitment to supporting proxy forces and non-state allies, often at the expense of Pakistan's international partnerships. The ISI's influence within Pakistan is deeply entrenched, stemming from its role in key historical events such as the First Indo-Pakistani War and the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the ISI played a pivotal role in coordinating support for the Afghan mujahideen, which later evolved into support for the Taliban. This historical context has shaped the ISI's operational culture, making it a formidable player in Pakistan's domestic politics. The agency's extensive network and resources allow it to operate with relative impunity, often bypassing civilian oversight and legal constraints. This autonomy has enabled the ISI to pursue its own agenda, sometimes at odds with the Pakistani government's policies. For example, the ISI's support for Kashmiri separatists and its involvement in the Bangladesh Liberation War have been sources of tension with India, a regional rival. The ISI's reputation as a 'state within a state' is further reinforced by its relationships with other global powers. While Pakistan maintains diplomatic ties with countries like China and Russia, the ISI has been known to engage in covert operations that align with its own strategic interests rather than those of the Pakistani government. For instance, the ISI's support for the Taliban in Afghanistan has been a contentious issue, particularly in light of Pakistan's alliances with the United States and the British Commonwealth. The agency's actions often reflect a broader geopolitical strategy aimed at maintaining Pakistan's influence in the region, even if it means operating outside the bounds of international law and diplomatic norms. This duality in the ISI's operations highlights the complex nature of Pakistan's foreign policy, where state actors often pursue divergent agendas.

Leadership and Structure: The ISI's Organizational Framework and Key Figures

The Joint Signal Intelligence Bureau is dedicated to Pakistan’s border with India, performing constant surveillance and maintaining readiness to deal with attacks. The Joint Intelligence Technical division, made up entirely of engineers and scientists, focuses on advanced gadgetry and other spy shit, as well as chemical and biological warfare groups and a dedicated team to develop explosives. One subdivision, the Political Internal Division, was rendered inactive in 2012, after spending decades charged with preventing the spread of left-wing political ideologies in the country. In practice, that meant rigging election to ensure that leftist political parties could not gain influence, and to keep any one political faction, of any ideology, from gaining a controlling influence that might challenge the military’s authority. The Political Internal Division has also been accused of torture, abduction, and assassination. The total size of the ISI has never been announced, but some estimates suggest that it employs up to a hundred thousand personnel, a figure that would make it the largest single intelligence organization in the world. This is in keeping with many expert assessments of the group, which consider it to be acting almost as a deep state inside Pakistan, pulling levers of power as it sees fit in order to ensure that it can operate with impunity. Other estimates are far lower, closer to ten or twenty thousand, but even if this is the case, ten thousand is more than enough to achieve the organization’s ubiquity inside its home nation. In the last decade, the ISI has had its power curtailed somewhat, but as the world was reminded as recently as 2021, the appointment of a new head of the ISI seems to carry more weight in Pakistan than even the appointment of a Prime Minister. The organization is headquartered in Islamabad, in a sprawling compound that blends in with the rest of the cityscape; in fact, to hear Western visitors tell it, the ISI headquarters are unmarked and only minimally patrolled on the outside. Calm, sleek, and quiet, the ISI’s compound lacks the conspicuousness of some global intelligence agencies, while not being kept deliberately out of view like others might be; instead, it’s decorated with fountains, and situated next to an unaffiliated hospital. It’s smoothed into Islamabad’s, and Pakistan’s broader texture, where, like the ISI’s influence, the headquarters itself would simply be missed if a person wasn’t looking closely enough. Recruitment and Training. Unlike other intelligence organizations, the ISI’s personnel are, in many ways, a transient and amorphous group. Its employees, at least in the modern day, come from both military and civilian tracks, with military personnel often joining on what is considered to be temporary assignment while their regular duties are suspended. In practice, these assignments can last years or even decades. Civilians, in some cases, come in with the intent to be career officers; on other occasions, they’re temporary staff, or even contractors, coming to contribute their own little something-or-other before drifting onward through Pakistan’s public and private sectors.

Consequences and Implications: The ISI's Lasting Impact on Global Security and Politics

On the military side, personnel are generally referred to the ISI when they show particular promise in their prior role, and there’s not much to say about what precisely they go through during conversion training, except that they are brought through an ISI intelligence course. But on the civilian side, a prospective ISI officer must go through Pakistan’s Federal Public Services Commission, which evaluates a candidate’s intellect, their awareness of global affairs, and their knowledge of English. After background checks and interviews, all candidates are processed through a training process that lasts six months; we don’t know much about what goes on there, but given that the ISI’s training and personnel management practices were directly taught by the American CIA, it’s not too far of a jump to imagine that the training for the ISI might look somewhat similar to what CIA training was during the 1980s and 1990s. There’s no publicly available data on how many people wash out of that training, but for those who make it through, they’ll next be sent to five-year postings where they work in the world of open-source information—that is to say, information that isn’t kept secret or classified in any way. If these officers can get through their five years, they work their way up into the sensitive jobs where the real work of the ISI takes place. Famous Operations. Although we’ve already covered the basic turning points within the ISI’s murky history, it’s worth taking a closer look at some of their more notable operations—either ones that they’ve admitted taking part in, or ones where evidence would suggest that they played a major role. As we do this, it’s important to emphasize that Pakistan, India, the Taliban, and other regional governments have a serious, persistent tendency to play the blame game with each other on a wide range of issues, so we’ll be constraining ourselves to only the incidents that appear to have strong evidence of the ISI’s involvement. First, we’ll go to their actions in the province of Kashmir, where the ISI has allegedly orchestrated a decades-long scheme to support Kashmir’s local mujahideen and wage a low-grade proxy war against Indian authorities in the region. This strategy has led to the creation of several militant groups, most notably Lashkar-e-Taiba, which perpetrated the 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India. American authorities believe that this support has gone on unabated since the 1980s, with Pakistan providing not just intelligence and funding, but direct protection for the militias that most strongly support Pakistan. Then, we’ll move over to far more recent affairs in the United Kingdom, where in 2021, Pakistani exiles were warned that those among them who had spoken out against the Pakistani military, were now under direct threat from the ISI—which was, according to the UK, according to attack those exiles on British soil. In July of 2021, an East London man was charged with conspiracy with unknown associates, in order to assassinate a Pakistani political activist; other Pakistani political commentators have been warned of direct threats to their lives. In Europe and Canada, Pakistani dissidents have been found dead in bodies of water, and leaked memos from within Pakistan suggest that the ISI has formed its own lists of anti-military Pakistani journalists in the West. Pakistani expatriates have only gotten more reason to fear over the last few years, and many now live in fear for their lives. But even despite the ISI’s clear presence in many other nations around the world, we’ve got to examine a far more difficult truth for the organization: The mortality rate of their agents. Hundreds upon hundreds of ISI agents are known to have been killed in the line of duty, and there’s no telling how many others may have had the circumstances of their death kept from the public.

The Future of the ISI: Evolving Challenges and Uncertainties

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) faces an uncertain future, shaped by evolving geopolitical dynamics and internal challenges. As Pakistan navigates its complex relationships with global powers, the ISI's role remains pivotal yet contentious. The United States, despite its tumultuous history with Pakistan, continues to engage with the ISI, particularly in counterterrorism efforts. However, the shifting geopolitical landscape, with China's rising influence, adds layers of complexity. Beijing's economic investments in Pakistan, particularly through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), have strengthened ties, but also raised concerns about Chinese influence over Pakistani security apparatus, including the ISI. Meanwhile, Russia's reemergence as a global power, coupled with its interests in Central Asia, further complicates the ISI's operational environment. The ISI must balance these relationships while managing regional conflicts, notably with India. The longstanding dispute over Kashmir remains a flashpoint, with the ISI playing a crucial role in supporting Kashmiri militants. The ISI's involvement in regional conflicts extends beyond South Asia. Historical support for Uighur Muslim separatists in China's Xinjiang province, and past backing of Serbian and Bosnian forces during the Siege of Sarajevo in the 1990s, illustrate the ISI's global reach and willingness to engage in proxy wars. These actions, while serving Pakistan's strategic interests, have often come at a cost. The ISI has been a target of retaliation from groups it once supported. Notable attacks include the 2007 suicide bombing near Islamabad, which killed 28 people, and the 2008 Lahore attack on the ISI headquarters, which resulted in 30 deaths. The 2011 car bomb in Islamabad and the 2013 attack in Sukkur further highlight the dangers of the ISI's strategy. As Pakistan grapples with internal strife, particularly in Balochistan Province and along its border with Afghanistan, the ISI's methods face increased scrutiny. The Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan poses a new challenge, as Pakistan seeks to manage its relationship with the group while countering its violent extremism. The ISI's future trajectory will likely involve continued engagement in regional conflicts, albeit with potential adjustments in tactics and alliances. The organization's deep integration into Pakistan's political and military structures ensures its enduring influence, despite calls for reform. As Pakistan continues to be a key player in global geopolitics, the ISI's actions will have far-reaching implications. The world watches closely as the ISI navigates these challenges, with the potential for both regional destabilization and strategic realignments. The ISI's ability to adapt and evolve will be crucial in determining Pakistan's role in the evolving global order. The stakes are high, and the future remains uncertain, but one thing is clear: the ISI will continue to be a central player in shaping Pakistan's destiny and its place in the world.

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Jackson Reed

Jackson Reed creates and presents analysis focused on military doctrine, strategic competition, and conflict dynamics.

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