Indonesia's Radical Air Force Gambit: Strategic Genius or Logistical Nightmare?

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Video originally published on December 4, 2025.

While the world's major powers engage in a high-stakes race for air superiority—the United States refining its stealth edge, China unveiling advanced fighters at a dizzying pace, and Europe pushing toward sixth-generation capabilities—one nation has chosen a radically different path. Indonesia is assembling what may be the most unconventional air force in modern history: a deliberate patchwork of cutting-edge aircraft from nearly every major aerospace power on Earth. By the time its hangars are filled with confirmed orders, Jakarta will operate Turkish stealth fighters alongside South Korean multirole jets, American heavy arsenals beside Chinese delta-wings, and French Rafales complementing Brazilian turboprops. Where most nations carefully select one or two platforms to anchor their air power, Indonesia surveyed the global menu and ordered one of everything. This isn't mere extravagance or the vanity project of a resource-rich state seeking prestige. Indonesia's strategy of extreme diversification represents a calculated bet on a new model of military procurement—one that could reshape regional power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, or collapse under the weight of its own complexity.

Key Takeaways

Indonesia is procuring 144 advanced combat aircraft from five different nations—Turkey, South Korea, the United States, China, and France—creating the most internationally diverse air force in modern history.
The strategy stems from Indonesia's experience with international sanctions during the 1990s and 2000s, which taught Jakarta that dependence on a single supplier creates vulnerability to coercive leverage and supply chain disruption.
Indonesia's control of the Malacca Strait—a critical chokepoint for Chinese trade—combined with its diversified procurement strategy, positions Jakarta as a swing state that both Washington and Beijing must court rather than coerce.
The logistical burden of maintaining five distinct fighter platforms simultaneously represents an unprecedented challenge, requiring separate training tracks, supply chains, and maintenance infrastructures that could overwhelm Indonesia's defense budget and personnel.
Indonesia's approach signals strategic neutrality in potential great power conflict, which paradoxically increases the risk that both China and the United States might act unilaterally to secure Indonesian territory if war breaks out, viewing Jakarta as an unreliable partner.
If successful, Indonesia's model could reshape military procurement for middle powers seeking strategic autonomy; if it fails, the nation risks fielding a paper tiger—an impressive but operationally incoherent force unable to respond effectively in crisis.

The Global Imperative: Why Air Superiority Remains a Matter of Deadly Seriousness

For the overwhelming majority of nations, the development and procurement of advanced air power represents an existential strategic priority, pursued with singular focus and enormous investment. The United States has spent decades cultivating its technological edge through platforms that define the cutting edge of military aviation: the F-22 Raptor, designed for air dominance with unmatched stealth and maneuverability; the B-2 Spirit, a strategic bomber capable of penetrating the most sophisticated air defenses; and the forthcoming B-21 Raider, which promises to extend American strategic reach well into the middle of the century. These aircraft embody not merely technical achievement but a coherent doctrine of air power built on stealth, precision, and overwhelming technological superiority. China has responded to this American dominance by pouring resources into military aviation research and development at an unprecedented scale. The result has been a steady drumbeat of revelations: secretive, highly advanced fighter aircraft emerging from development programs shrouded in opacity, massive unmanned systems that dwarf anything in Western arsenals, and a pace of innovation that has transformed what was once a derivative aerospace industry into a genuine competitor. The frequency of these unveilings—practically a weekly occurrence, by some measures—signals both the scale of Chinese investment and Beijing's determination to close the gap with American air power. Across Europe and in Japan, the pursuit of sixth-generation fighter aircraft proceeds at breakneck speed, driven by the recognition that today's fifth-generation platforms will not suffice for the conflicts of tomorrow. Turkey and South Korea have undertaken ambitious national programs to design and produce cutting-edge aircraft under their own control, seeking both technological independence and the economic benefits of aerospace exports. Even Russia, despite facing severe constraints in funding and technology acquisition, continues its efforts to maintain relevance in a competitive sky where its rivals advance at an ever-faster pace. In this global context, air force development is treated as a matter of deadly seriousness because it is one: the nation that controls the skies in a modern conflict enjoys advantages that cascade through every domain of warfare, from ground operations to naval engagements to strategic deterrence itself.

Indonesia's Current Reality: A Fleet in Transition

The Indonesian Air Force that exists today presents a stark contrast to the ambitious vision taking shape on procurement desks in Jakarta. On paper, Indonesia currently possesses 110 combat aircraft, with its most capable assets being twenty-three copies of the American-made F-16C and D—relatively sophisticated platforms, though not cutting-edge by contemporary standards. Yet the reality beneath these official figures proves far less encouraging. Of those 110 fighter aircraft, only approximately sixty-two are currently acknowledged as operational. Russian-made Su-30s and Su-27s languish without adequate spare parts, victims of supply chain difficulties and the complications of maintaining Soviet-legacy systems. The older F-16s in the arsenal risk obsolescence, edging closer to museum-piece status with each passing year. The remaining aircraft in Indonesia's inventory fall well short of the capabilities required for head-to-head contests against peer air forces. This discouraging present would be cause for alarm if not for the extraordinary transformation underway. Indonesia is currently awaiting delivery of no fewer than 144 top-of-the-line aircraft from multiple nations simultaneously, with the potential to expand that number to approximately two hundred with additional agreements. Over recent years, Indonesia has embarked on an unprecedented spending spree, courting some of the most ambitious aerospace companies on the globe. The nations competing for Indonesian contracts represent a remarkable cross-section of the international order: industry competitors, geopolitical rivals, and at times outright adversaries, all vying for Jakarta's business. For Indonesia, this competitive dynamic represents opportunity rather than complication. With money to spend and an appetite for high-end combat aircraft, Jakarta has positioned itself to benefit from the eagerness of capitals like Washington, Beijing, and Paris to secure contracts and influence. The approach carries a distinctive character: sign contracts now, deal with logistics later. While it remains all but guaranteed that Indonesia will eventually receive these aircraft, some platforms aren't yet in production, meaning the full realization of Indonesia's air power potential lies several years in the future. Nevertheless, the deals are signed, the aircraft are inbound, and the contours of this chaotic-good air force are already visible.

The Turkish Kaan: Fifth-Generation Ambitions from Ankara

At the heart of Indonesia's future fleet stands the Kaan, Turkey's entry into the exclusive club of fifth-generation stealth fighters and the first such aircraft developed outside the traditional aerospace powers of the United States, China, and Russia. After its maiden flight in February 2024, the Kaan became a source of national pride for Turkey and a symbol of Ankara's aerospace ambitions. Expected to enter full-scale production by or before 2030, the Kaan is a twin-engine, single-seat fighter that Turkey claims matches the radar-evading capabilities of the American F-22 and F-35. With a top speed of Mach 1.8 and the capacity to carry up to eight missiles or bombs in an internal weapons bay—plus another six on external hardpoints—the Kaan positions itself as a direct competitor to the best fifth-generation platforms available, without the onerous export restrictions or geopolitical strings attached to American or Chinese alternatives. The aircraft features a highly advanced avionics suite, including cutting-edge radar and data fusion capabilities, and is designed to operate alongside the Anka-3, a supersonic unmanned loyal wingman drone. Indonesia committed to forty-eight copies of the Kaan in 2025 at a cost of approximately ten billion dollars, with delivery expected within a decade despite competition from other prospective buyers including Egypt, Ukraine, Saudi Arabia, and Azerbaijan.

South Korean Boramae and American F-15EX: Complementary Capabilities

Complementing the Turkish Kaan will be South Korea's Boramae, which first flew in 2022 and is already in limited production, with operational deployment in South Korea anticipated as early as next year. In its current configuration, the Boramae represents a highly advanced fourth-generation jet—as close to cutting-edge stealth fighter status as possible without meeting every technical threshold for that designation. Beginning after 2027, however, the Boramae will be manufactured and sold in a modified version as a fully stealthy fifth-generation fighter. Indonesia has participated in the Boramae project since 2010, and despite considerable drama between Jakarta and Seoul over Indonesia's role in the initiative, Indonesia still expects to acquire forty-eight copies as soon as possible. Like the Kaan, the Boramae reaches Mach 1.8, offering respectable combat range, ten onboard hardpoints, and an advanced avionics suite that rivals anything available from the United States, China, or Europe. Early versions of the Boramae—including those Indonesia will receive—fall short of fifth-generation status primarily because they lack internal weapons bays and sophisticated stealth coatings, resulting in a larger radar signature than comparable aircraft that can conceal their munitions. Even this version, however, outperforms the vast majority of fighters in service globally, and when South Korea integrates new avionics upgrades into later models, Indonesia will likely benefit from those improvements. Beyond Turkey and South Korea, Indonesia is pursuing a contract with the United States for twenty-four copies of what may be the most impressive, most blatantly un-stealthy fighter on the planet: the F-15EX. From the outside, it resembles any other F-15 that has flown since the type's first flight in 1972. Beneath the familiar exterior, however, the F-15EX is a far more dangerous beast than its predecessors. Built to thunder through the sky at Mach 2.5 with impressive range and the ability to climb fifteen kilometers within a minute, the F-15EX is designed less as a traditional fighter and more as a flying arsenal. Depending on configuration, a single EX-model can carry up to twelve air-to-air missiles, up to twenty-three bombs and missiles of varying configurations plus a pair of drop tanks, or very heavy weapons far too large for jets like the Kaan or Boramae to transport. The EX is big, loud, and quite literally the opposite of a stealth aircraft, but it's equipped with highly advanced avionics built for continual upgrades as new technology becomes available. Indonesia has not yet finalized the deal for the EX, but is expected to sign as soon as possible, potentially once it completely disengages from an apparently moribund deal to purchase Russian-made Sukhoi Su-35s.

Chinese J-10C and French Rafale: Balancing East and West

To ensure that nearby China understands it has not been forgotten amid so many advanced American fighters, Indonesia made global headlines in 2025 by signaling interest in purchasing forty-two copies of China's J-10C, a relatively low-cost but impressive fourth-generation aircraft that had drawn acclaim months earlier. Pakistan used the J-10C to shoot down several copies of France's internationally respected Rafale, demonstrating the Chinese fighter's combat credibility. Though merely an upgraded version of earlier J-10 variants, the J-10C represents an overhaul of similar scope to the F-15EX, integrating advanced avionics, new weapons, vastly improved engines, and other features that place it among the most advanced non-stealth aircraft globally. A delta-wing design with respectable combat range and a top speed of Mach 1.8, the J-10C leverages eleven hardpoints and can employ the best air-to-air missiles in China's arsenal, including the now combat-proven PL-15 that Pakistan used against India. Speaking of the French Rafale that the J-10C shot down, France has been a significant contributor to Indonesia's fighter bonanza. Indonesia is working to procure the F4 version of the jet, a step above the planes in India's arsenal during that engagement, integrating long-range sensing and data-networking tools that likely would have proven valuable for India based on available information about those shootdowns. Despite that blemish on its record and a few other minor setbacks, the Rafale is widely regarded as a high-caliber, capable combat aircraft with similar top speed and combat range to the J-10C and most other jets in Indonesia's future inventory. It's a powerful delta-wing design with serious payload capacity, leveraging fourteen hardpoints to fire all manner of NATO-standard equipment, and it can add up to five external drop tanks to dramatically extend its range. Like the other aircraft on this list, it's equipped with a modern avionics suite, and in French service is built to launch nuclear weapons—though it would be surprising if Indonesia employed that particular feature.

Legacy and Support Aircraft: Rounding Out the Fleet

These five advanced combat aircraft—the Turkish Kaan, South Korean Boramae, American F-15EX, Chinese J-10C, and French Rafale—form the core of Indonesia's procurement strategy, yet even this doesn't tell the full story. The nation still flies a couple dozen American F-16s, as well as a handful of Russian Su-27s and nearly a dozen Su-30s, multirole aircraft known for high speed and long range. Indonesia operates thirteen copies of the South Korean-made F/A-50 Golden Eagle, a cheap, nimble, and easy-to-fly light fighter, with plans to acquire nineteen total. It flies thirteen copies of Brazil's prop-powered Super Tucano, an aircraft that at first glance appears to belong in World War II but combines long-range, long-endurance, highly rugged design with modern avionics to create one of the more interesting and effective close-air-support platforms in the world. Indonesia also flies a handful of Britain's Hawk 200, a training model redesigned as a dedicated combat aircraft, though these will be phased out soon. Technically, there remains a chance Indonesia could procure a couple dozen Russian-made Su-35s, even if that particular deal currently appears doomed. All told, by the time its many orders are filled, Indonesia will fly some two hundred of the most sophisticated combat aircraft on the market today, in what will be by far the most international air force in the world.

Strategic Diversification: The Method Behind Indonesia's Aerospace Madness

The natural question confronting any observer of Indonesia's procurement strategy is straightforward: why pursue this approach? What does Indonesia hope to achieve by acquiring five new, advanced fighter models that it couldn't accomplish by concentrating on one or two? Anyone with deep knowledge of military aviation recognizes that many of these aircraft fill overlapping roles, and while each possesses respective strengths and weaknesses, those trade-offs alone don't justify building an air force this way. Either Indonesia's leaders are making decisions based exclusively on the rule of cool—attempting to impress the world in the manner of Saudi Arabia with its mega-cities—or some other rationale must justify this approach. Fortunately for both the Indonesian military and Indonesian taxpayers, the nation is motivated by more than the desire to host the coolest airshows in the Indo-Pacific.

Making Up for Lost Time: Lessons from Sanctions

The strategy begins with Indonesia's determination to make up for lost time. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, Indonesia faced intense international sanctions, largely due to its conduct toward civilians in what is now East Timor and its military intervention and practices of near-total war against the secession movement there. As a result, Indonesia was barred from receiving new weapons systems from the United States, the European Union, and elsewhere, with the last sanctions clearing only in 2006. Prior to that period, Indonesia had a similar experience with the Soviet Union. This meant Indonesia endured an extended period when it couldn't purchase desired equipment, instead accepting a drip-feed of whatever excess hardware other nations could spare when they were intermittently willing to work with Jakarta. More importantly, this experience taught Indonesia a valuable and difficult lesson: if you make your arsenal dependent on a small number of foreign partners, those partners can choose to cut you off, and you have no recourse. Now that Indonesia has accumulated sufficient resources, the nation has decided to pursue strategic diversification, acquiring military equipment from as many sources as possible—even if it means additional headaches and smaller individual contracts—to ensure it never becomes overly dependent on any single supplier.

Hedging Against Supply Chain Disruption

If Indonesia does something to anger China, causing Beijing to stop sending replacement parts or software upgrades for its J-10Cs, Indonesia knows it can fall back on four other nations to help fill the gap, losing at worst only about a fifth of its best aircraft. Even better, by prioritizing contracts with countries that consider each other rivals, Indonesia makes it more costly for supplier nations to consider cutting it off. If the United States has reason to be outraged with Indonesia and attempts to sever the sustainment chain for American fighters, Washington must consider that doing so hands China a golden opportunity to provide the support and partnership America won't. Similarly, Turkey and South Korea are both working hard to become major arms exporters and sell their advanced aircraft, and each could attempt to leverage its relationship with Indonesia to its own benefit—except that if either turns its back on Indonesia or causes offense, its direct rival stands ready to demonstrate superiority. From Indonesia's perspective, a diverse air force makes it harder for supplier nations to justify allowing friction into their relationships with Jakarta, while ensuring that if any nation does sour on Indonesia or its leaders, the nation's military readiness won't suffer.

Building Multilateral Partnerships at Scale

The benefits of strategic diversification extend to a far greater scale. Military supply deals aren't like other international trade agreements, especially for systems as complex as advanced aircraft; they constitute decades-long relationships that include more than initial deliveries. Nations in these relationships require spare parts, updates, training support, and other resources for as long as a given aircraft remains in their arsenal, while nations that export aircraft enjoy multi-billion-dollar deals to which both sides have committed. Nations that sell or purchase arms from each other generally tend to be friends, and in Indonesia's case, this means it can more easily sustain friendships with all these nations simultaneously. The United States and South Korea enjoy Indonesia's patronage, China enjoys Indonesia's patronage, France and Turkey enjoy it, and if Russia ever regains the ability to export weapons at scale, Russia will probably continue to enjoy it as well. From Indonesia's perspective, this arrangement carries even greater meaning because the country has no direct regional rivals. Indonesia and Malaysia are unlikely to ever go to war, nations like Singapore, Brunei, or the Philippines aren't seeking conflict with Jakarta, and it would be uncharacteristic for modern Australia to opt into a conflict of any kind unless absolutely necessary. Indonesia does contend with an insurgency on its own soil on the island of Papua, but hardly needs sophisticated air power to maintain an advantage in that conflict.

Positioning for Great Power Competition

If Indonesia faces any existential military threat, it would be as part of a much wider war in the Indo-Pacific, where coalitions led by China on one side and the United States on the other might label Indonesia as an enemy or see it caught in the crossfire. This is particularly problematic because Indonesia, along with Malaysia and Singapore, presides over the Malacca Strait, a critical seaway that would almost certainly come under blockade or attack in the event of all-out war. China is heavily dependent on that trade corridor, and it's not difficult to envision how either China or the United States could justify heavy fighting around that zone. Indonesia's diversified air force and its broader policy of strategic diversification afford it two advantages. First, if either side attempted to secure the strait by force, Indonesia would have numerous advanced warplanes at its disposal to deter or defend its territory. Better yet, Indonesia could lock down the strait directly—perhaps with Malaysian and Singaporean assistance—and then choose which side of the conflict to align with. More importantly, Jakarta can ensure that both Beijing and Washington—and Seoul, for that matter—treat it with the respect due a highly prized and respected export partner, rather than a collection of islands to be overrun in a game of Risk. Because the United States, China, and these other nations have geostrategic interests intertwined with Indonesia, they're less likely to risk disrupting that relationship unless absolutely necessary.

The Intelligence Advantage: Comparative Testing and Data Export

Finally, Indonesia's wide arsenal of international combat aircraft, weapons, technology, and simulators offers it a chance to export something no other nation could match. Once it secures the range of aircraft it desires, Indonesia will be able to offer information on how those aircraft compare to each other directly in simulated combat. Indonesia will have the option to examine each design for defects and shortcomings, pit them against each other in whatever ways it sees fit, and then, if it decides, offer that information to any and all international entities it chooses. To understand the importance of this capability, one need only consider the aerial engagement between Indian Rafale jets and Pakistani J-10Cs during their 2025 confrontation. Since that encounter, nations have worked hard to determine exactly what happened, how the two aircraft measured up, and why their respective capabilities did or didn't lead to success. According to French sources, China has even used rumors around the engagement to promote the J-10C over the Rafale for nations still deciding between the two. Indonesia itself only publicly signaled interest in the J-10C after that exchange, suggesting Jakarta too may have been convinced. With so many advanced aircraft in its possession, Indonesia has the opportunity to engage in a process of study and data collection that no other nation could match for these specific platforms. Nor is it simply a matter of determining which fighter is best in a head-to-head dogfight. Each aircraft comes with weapons, engines, onboard digital architecture, and a range of other capabilities that the international community will want to see measured against each other through a reliable partner able to crunch the numbers. Indonesia could use that information to level the global playing field, providing openly accessible data on which platforms are capable and which are not. Or it could sell access to that information, agreeing to share data or collect specific results for a price. Or it could sell exclusive access to the highest bidders, handing the winning nation a real advantage in future conflicts—in exchange for a substantial debt owed to Jakarta.

The Logistical Nightmare: Risks That Cannot Be Overlooked

By pursuing such a diversified, advanced air force, Indonesia has made itself significantly more important in Indo-Pacific affairs. The nation seeks positive relations with everyone, can handle the pain of temporary setbacks with anyone, and has ensured that powerful countries are more interested in keeping Indonesia happy than winning whatever petty squabbles might arise over coming decades. Indonesia's ability to defend itself and its strategically critical territory will only grow with time, and soon it will be able to act as a repository of information that powerful countries will be very interested in obtaining. Yet Indonesia's strategy comes with a handful of lingering problems too significant to overlook. It's important to emphasize that Indonesia is not the only nation capable of pursuing this kind of strategy, but it is the only nation that has taken strategic diversification this far. Other countries don't want to accept the kinds of risks Indonesia has embraced, and while Indonesia could reap the benefits of its decision, there are no guarantees it will. The most obvious problem is that maintaining an air force this diverse and of this quality represents a logistical nightmare. Even accounting only for the five advanced aircraft Indonesia seems on track to fly by the time all is said and done, the training, supply, and support burden will be massive. These five aircraft are each fairly different, certainly not directly interoperable, and in essence Indonesia will need to establish five different training tracks for both pilots and maintenance teams. This doesn't even account for the difficulty of teaching other pilots to fly light-attack jets or propeller planes, which are entirely different and aren't necessarily easier to fly simply because they're less technologically sophisticated. The nation will need to sustain several different supply chains to several different base locations, and it's committing to the idea that it can fund those sustainment initiatives for decades, all at once, in a nation where defense funding has been an enduring challenge. Indonesia will have to find a way to either make its aircraft interoperable or arm, maintain, and repair each separately, using a limited number of personnel on a limited number of airbases, sharing a limited pool of funds. To make this happen, Indonesia will need to stay the course despite the push and pull of domestic politics, despite the turmoil of regional geopolitics, and despite the fact that if nations like the United States and China are entering into competition for Indonesia's favor, that competition is going to get ugly. Indonesia could mitigate those challenges somewhat by treating its air force more as a showpiece than an actual asset for territorial defense, but that trade-off will come with problems of its own. As mentioned, Indonesia doesn't have much chance of fighting a war against a regional peer in the near future, but if war ever breaks out over Taiwan, Jakarta will want a large, modern air force ready to respond. There's danger in Jakarta signaling to all sides that it isn't particularly loyal to any side in a future conflict, because that means neither a China-led coalition nor a U.S.-led coalition could be confident Indonesia would actually come through for them. China needs the critical waterways under Indonesia's control, and the United States needs to ensure China can't have them. If Indonesia is both a partner of questionable loyalty and the owner of a paper-tiger military, then both Washington and Beijing could conclude that in a state of all-out war, it makes more sense to act unilaterally toward Indonesia and secure what they need, on the assumption they can smooth out diplomatic hurt feelings later. For all the risk Indonesia is accepting, credit must be given to Jakarta, because if the nation can stay the course, then in a few short years it will be home to one of the most fascinating air forces in history. Granted, it will also be home to a logistical nightmare, a geopolitical minefield, and an air force that could just as easily become an albatross for Indonesia as a source of national pride. But that doesn't change the fact that right now, Indonesia is attempting something with its air force that no other country can rival, an exercise in unconventional strategic thinking on track to build one of the most unconventional air forces in living memory. The only question remaining is whether Indonesia can stick the landing.

Conclusion: Strategic Brilliance or Unsustainable Gamble?

Indonesia's radical procurement strategy embodies a fundamental tension at the heart of modern defense planning: the balance between strategic autonomy and operational coherence. By diversifying across five major fighter platforms and maintaining relationships with rival powers, Jakarta has positioned itself as a critical swing state in the Indo-Pacific, immune to the coercive leverage that comes with dependence on a single supplier. Yet this strategic brilliance comes at the cost of unprecedented logistical complexity, requiring Indonesia to sustain multiple supply chains, training pipelines, and maintenance infrastructures simultaneously—all while navigating the competing demands of supplier nations locked in their own geopolitical rivalry. The success of Indonesia's gambit will ultimately depend on factors beyond military hardware: sustained political will, adequate defense funding, and the ability to manage relationships with powers that view each other as adversaries. If Indonesia can master these challenges, it will have pioneered a new model of military procurement for middle powers seeking strategic independence. If it cannot, the nation risks fielding an air force too complex to maintain and too diverse to deploy effectively—a cautionary tale of ambition exceeding capacity. For now, the world watches as Indonesia assembles the most unconventional air force in modern history, a testament to both the possibilities and perils of strategic diversification in an era of great power competition.

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FAQ

How does Indonesia's experience with East Timor sanctions influence its current procurement strategy?

International sanctions imposed during the 1990s and early 2000s over Indonesia's conduct in East Timor prevented Jakarta from acquiring weapons from the United States and European Union until 2006. This experience taught Indonesian defense planners that dependence on a small number of suppliers creates vulnerability to political coercion and supply chain cutoffs, directly motivating the current strategy of extreme diversification across rival powers to ensure no single nation can leverage military supply relationships for political gain.

What unique intelligence advantage does Indonesia gain from operating both Chinese and American fighters simultaneously?

Indonesia will possess the rare capability to conduct direct comparative testing between rival platforms like the Chinese J-10C and American F-15EX in simulated combat, examining each design for defects and measuring performance across weapons systems, engines, and digital architecture. This intelligence could be shared openly to level the global playing field, sold to specific nations for profit, or offered exclusively to the highest bidder, creating a valuable strategic asset that positions Indonesia as an indispensable information broker in the global arms market.

Why would Indonesia purchase the F-15EX when it already has stealth fighters on order?

The F-15EX serves a fundamentally different role than stealth platforms like the Turkish Kaan or South Korean Boramae. Designed as a flying arsenal rather than a traditional fighter, the F-15EX can carry up to twenty-three bombs and missiles simultaneously or transport very heavy weapons too large for stealth aircraft to accommodate. Its advanced avionics are built for continual upgrades, and its Mach 2.5 speed combined with exceptional range makes it ideal for long-range strike missions where stealth is less critical than raw payload capacity.

How does Indonesia's diversified procurement strategy affect its relationships with the United States and China?

Indonesia's strategy forces both Washington and Beijing to compete for Jakarta's favor rather than take its alignment for granted. By maintaining military supply relationships with both powers simultaneously, Indonesia makes it costly for either to impose sanctions or restrict support, since doing so would hand the rival an opportunity to strengthen its position. However, this approach also signals that Indonesia may not reliably align with either side in a Taiwan conflict, potentially increasing the risk that both powers might act unilaterally to secure Indonesian territory and critical waterways if war breaks out.

What specific logistical challenges does Indonesia face in maintaining five different advanced fighter platforms?

Indonesia must establish five separate training tracks for pilots and maintenance crews, sustain multiple supply chains to different base locations, and either develop interoperability solutions or arm and repair each platform separately using limited personnel and funding. The nation must procure distinct spare parts inventories, maintain relationships with rival supplier nations simultaneously, and fund these sustainment initiatives for decades despite historical challenges with defense budgets. This complexity is compounded by the need to also maintain legacy platforms like F-16s, Su-27s, and specialized aircraft like the Super Tucano.

Could Indonesia's procurement model work for other middle powers seeking strategic autonomy?

Indonesia's model could theoretically work for other nations with sufficient resources, strategic importance, and lack of immediate regional threats, but requires exceptional political will and financial commitment. Most nations avoid this approach because the logistical complexity and cost outweigh the benefits, and few possess Indonesia's unique strategic position controlling critical waterways that make both China and the United States eager to maintain positive relations. Success depends on sustained defense funding, skilled personnel management, and the ability to navigate competing demands from supplier nations locked in geopolitical rivalry.

What role does the Malacca Strait play in Indonesia's defense strategy and procurement decisions?

The Malacca Strait is a critical chokepoint for Chinese trade and would almost certainly become a contested zone in any major Indo-Pacific conflict. Indonesia's control of this waterway, shared with Malaysia and Singapore, makes Jakarta strategically indispensable to both China and the United States. By building a diversified, advanced air force capable of defending or potentially closing the strait, Indonesia ensures that both powers must treat it as a valued partner rather than a territory to be overrun, directly enhancing Jakarta's bargaining position and deterring unilateral military action by either side.

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About the Author

Jackson Reed

Jackson Reed creates and presents analysis focused on military doctrine, strategic competition, and conflict dynamics.

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